The Inter-Governmental Authority on Development, (IGAD), meeting on the sidelines of the African Union Summit yesterday endorsed Kenya’s bid to have the Security Council defer O’Campo’s impending request to have the ICC issue summons against six Kenyans. See story here
Kenya’s strategy not to have to be the one presenting the proposal at the AU Summit but to have it come from another country or organization has therefore come to fruition.
IGAD was created in 1996 to supersede the Intergovernmental Authority on Drought and Development (IGADD) which had been in existence since 1986. IGADD was created to coordinate the efforts of the Member States in combating desertification and promoting efforts to mitigate the effects of drought. As such, the objectives of IGADD were mainly food security and environmental protection. The founding members of IGADD are Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya, Somalia, Sudan and Uganda, with Eritrea joining in 1993 after attaining independence.
IGADD, like its successor organization, IGAD, came to be used as a forum not just for dealing with drought and environmental issues but also as a forum for leaders of the countries to tackle emerging socioeconomic and political issues in a regional context.
Although IGAD’s has declared food security and environmental protection, conflict prevention, management and resolution; and economic cooperation and integration as its most significant areas of cooperation, this episode demonstrates Kenya’s propensity to use its weight within IGAD to propel its foreign policy goals.
Kenya has similarly used another regional body, the East African Community, (EAC). About three years ago now, Kenya successfully short-circuited the treaty amendment process in the EAC by successfully lobbying EAC member States, (Uganda, Tanzania, Burundi and Rwanda), to amend the Treaty Establishing the EAC to clip the wings of the East African Court of Justice after it made an adverse decision that Nairobi found intolerable. See analysis here
IGAD is also one of the pillars of the African Economic Community since it signed the Protocol on Relations between the African Economic Community and the Regional Economic Communities in 1998. On IGAD and other African Regional Trade Agreements, see my forthcoming book, African Regional Trade Agreements as Legal Regimes.
In the meantime, President Kibaki’s nomination of a new Chief Justice and Attorney General without consulting the Prime Minister, is one of the primary basis of his (Kibaki’s claim) that Kenya is prepared and willing to try post election violence offenders locally. Vice President Kalonzo Musyoka’s whirlwind African tour to seek support for the deferral is widely regarded as having outflanked his partner in the coalition government, Prime Minister Raila Odinga and the cabinet who were not consulted to see if they endorsed this strategy. See analysis here
President Kibaki’s advisers go even further than simply arguing Kenya can handle the cases without the ICC. Peter Kagwanja, widely associated with crafting Kibaki’s anti-ICC agenda has argued in a recent editorial that the ICC is an alien court offering selective justice to a country that has not collapsed as yet. See analysis here.
In the meantime, western governments continue to pressured the Kenyan government to reconsider its anti-ICC stance. See story here